Tuesday, May 22, 2012

Tuesday Book Review: The Kingdom and the Glory: For a Theological Genealogy of Economy and Government.

Giorgio Agamben The Kingdom and the Glory: For a Theological Genealogy of Economy and Government (Translated by Lorenzo Chiesa and Matteo Mandarini) Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011, 303 pages. 
Glory, both in theology and politics, is precisely what takes the place of that unthinkable emptiness that amounts to the inoperativity of power. And yet, precisely this unthinkable vacuity is what nourishes and feeds power (or rather what the machine of power transforms into nourishment.) - Giorgio Agamben, The Kingdom and the Glory

In his newly translated book, the original Italian version was published in 2007, Agamben sets out a magisterial and breathtakingly erudite analysis of the theological origins of several of the key concepts of modern governmentality and economy. The Kingdom and the Glory, which forms a part of a larger series including Homo Sacer and State of Exception and has been heralded as Agamben's most theological work to date, is composed around two central questions: Why has power in the West assumed the form of a government of people and things, that is, an 'economy', and if power is essentially government why does it need glory, or the ceremonial and liturgical apparatus that always accompanies it? 

Foraying into the genealogy of governmentality Agamben consciously locates himself in the wake of a project begun by Michel Foucault. Agamben's methodology clearly owes much  to Foucault, this is evident particularly in Agamben's articulation of his project as an archaeological/genealogical investigation. Agamben  intends to show -and this did not become clear to me but would perhaps be evident to a diligent reader of Foucault- that there were internal reasons that Foucault's investigations were incomplete. On this basis Agamben reaches further back, chronologically, to the early Christian theology and the formulation of a doctrine of the Trinity as oikonomia. This formulation, Agamben contends, amounts to a delineation of the Trinity as a form of divine household management, and forms part of a definitive and traceable lineage, which he terms the theological-economic, that, despite a lack of conscious engagement, has had decisive effects on the conception of modern politics. 

The theological-economic, or economic theology, is one of two paradigms that Agamben sees as deriving from Christian theology. The other, political theology, can be seen in political philosophy and modern theories of sovereignty. Economic theology, on the other hand, concerns the immanent ordering of life and is witnessed in the contemporary scene in the form of "modern biopolitics up to the current triumph of economy and government over every other aspect of social life." This economic paradigm has, moreover, been largely passed over in silence. Agamben attributes this to a theological embarassment, as it finds the original locus of the Trinity as essentially a glorified household (oikonomia)

This, at least, is the facile rendition of Agamben's take on economic theology. I should hasten to add that at this point Agamben introduces a quite fascinating, though by no means novel, interlude on the secularization thesis. Following Carl Schmitt, but against Max Weber, modernity does not entail a disenchantment or detheologisation of the world. Theology continues to be very much present, though this also does not mean that theology and politics merely overlap. Secularization is, in fact not a concept but rather a signature: 
[T]hat is somethin that in a sign  or concept marks and exceeds such a sign or concept  referring it back to a determinate interpretation or field, without for that reason leaving the semiotic to constitute a new meaning or a new concept. Signatures move an displace concepts and signs from one field to another (in this case, from sacred to profane, and vice versa) without redefining them semantically. (Agamben, 4. italics in the original) 
Theology, then, does not simply become economic by virtue of a disenchanment or even a semantic morphology. It is already constituted economically though it does not for that reason cease to be theological, or glorious. The glorification of economy is actually necessary and provides the link to liturgy. Agamben elucidates this via a dispute that took place between Carl Schmitt -the coiner of the term "political theology" - and a Roman Catholic theologian named Erik Peterson. Peterson argued that political theology was impossible in Christianity, and that Christian political action was possible solely on the presupposition of a triune God. Peterson, disavowing both political and economic theology, articulated politics as liturgical action, or participation in the heavenly city. Agamben, who will go on to draw out some surprising connections between medieval discourses on angels and contemporary bureaucracy, finds this disavowal revealing. The liturgical apparatus is part parcel of the articulation of the triune God as oikonomia, and more pointedly of government, whether divine or human managed by angels or officials.

Here we should perhaps return to the discussion of the two paradigms of political theology and economic theology. The two paradigms, which briefly we can refer to as sovereignty and government respectively, continue to oscillate throughout the numerous discourses to which Agamben makes reference. Establishing that the mystery of God in early Church theology, though significantly not in Paul, is nothing but the mystery of economy itself (that is the glorification of oikonomia) Agamben goes on to relate the conceptual gaps between ontology and praxis and finally kingdom and government. A central idea here is that of the sovereign as one who "reigns but does not rule".  In its final guise this takes the form of the empty throne, the glorious symbol of  power. The centre of power is, in fact, empty and precisely for this reason glory -that is liturgy, acclamation, and ceremony - play a constitutive role. The contemporary connection to which Agamben refers here is the role of the media and the idea of "government by consent." Drawing out the parallels with theology, or better the theological signature, Agamben refers to a theologian called Bossuet in whom theology and atheology overlap, as it were, without remainder. God governs the world as if it governed itself.

In sum The Kingdom and the Glory is a valuable contribution to the study of governmentality,liturgy, and glory. It is certainly a thought-provoking and challenging read for someone who lives within the Christian tradition, and particularly a variant of Christianity which celebrates the liturgical, often in a politicized way that resonate eerily with some of Agamben`s descriptions. Reading Agamben`s book thinkers such as John Milbank or Catherine Pickstock came frequently to mind. Is liturgy, after all, the deeply formative practice that forms us to depth of our being and allows us to participate in divine life, or is it a glorification of economy that occludes politics and leads to the sacralization of management?

On a more pressing level, Agamben challenges the contemporary "society of the spectacle" and the triumph of government and administration over other forms of social encounter. Agamben's keen historical insights into the state of the exception, particularly with regard to Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, are deepened here. Noting the role of acclamation, including explicitly liturgical formulations, in the rise to power and adulation of government officials Agamen not only irrevocably indicts the Church in its complicity in the horrors of genocide,  he also makes us aware that the dangers are not past. The ubiquitous presence of media, the overwhelming triumph of the managerial cult and the way these feed into a political-juridical system designed to produce outcasts. In Canada we have a minister of immigration who wants the (sovereign) right to revoke the permanent resident status, not to mention the increased use of biometrics. And this is a "majority government."

The State vs the People.


Sorry this didn't work the first time.  I will try it again.
Sent: Saturday, May 19, 2012 11:28 AM
Subject: CLASSE - Urgent Appeal to the Rest of Canada


From Max Silverman, student at UQAM and former mcgiller -



*PLEASE READ AND SPREAD FAR AND WIDE. BRING MOTIONS TO YOUR LOCAL UNION COUNCILS, YOUR COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS, YOUR NEIGHBOURHOOD ASSOCIATIONS. I AM IN TORONTO FOR THE NEXT FEW DAYS IF ANYONE WOULD LIKE A PRESENTATION AT THEIR MEETINGS. PERSONALIZED VERSIONS OF THIS LETTER (WITH PERSONAL CONTACT INFORMATION) CAN BE SENT TO YOUR ORGANIZATION AS WELL*



Request for solidarity and support for the Legal Committee of the CLASSE



Sisters, brothers,



            We write you during a dark time for democratic, human and associative rights in Quebec with the following appeal for your help and solidarity. As you have no doubt heard, the government recently enacted legislation that amounts to the single biggest attack on the right to organize and freedom of expression in North America since the McCarthy period and the biggest attack on civil and democratic rights since the enactment of the War Measures Act in 1970. Arguably, this recent law will unduly criminalize more law-abiding citizens than even McCarthy's hearings and the War Measures Act ever could.



            Among other draconian elements brought forward by this law, any gathering of 50 or more people must submit their plans to the police eight hours ahead of time and must agree to any changes to the gathering's trajectory, starttime, etc. Any failure to comply with this stifling of freedom of assembly and association will be met with a fine of up to $5,000 for every participant, $35,000 for someone representing a 'leadership' position, or $125,000 if a union - labour or student - is deemed to be in charge.  The participation of any university staff (either support staff or professors) in any student demonstration (even one that follows the police's trajectory and instructions) is equally punishable by these fines. Promoting the violation of any of these prohibitions is considered, legally, equivalent to having violated them and is equally punishable by these crippling fines.



            One cannot view this law in isolation. In the past few months, the Québec student movement - inspired by Occupy, the Indignados of Spain, the students of Chile, and over 50 years of student struggle in Québec; and presently at North America's forefront of fighting the government's austerity agenda - has been confronted by precedent-shattering judicial and police repression in an attempt to force the end of the strike and our right to organize collectively. Our strike was voted and is re-voted every week in local general assemblies across Québec. As of May 18th, 2012 our committee has documented and is supporting 472 criminal accusations as well as 1047 ticket and penal offenses. One week in April saw over 600 arrests in three days. And those numbers only reflect those charged with an offense, without mentioning the thousands pepper sprayed and tear gassed, clubbed and beaten, detained and released. It does not mention Francis Grenier, who lost use of most of !
an eye when a sound grenade was illegally thrown by a police officer into his face in downtown Montreal. It does not mention Maxence Valade who lost a full eye and Alexandre Allard who clung to life in a coma on a hospital bed for days, both having received a police rubber bullet to the head in Victoriaville. And the thousands of others brutalized, terrorized, harassed and assaulted on our streets.  Four students are currently being charged under provisions of the anti-terrorist laws enacted following September 11th.



            In addition to these criminal and penal cases, of particular concern for those of us involved in the labour movement is that anti-strike forces have filed injunctions systematically from campus to campus to prevent the enactment of strike mandates, duly and democratically voted in general assemblies. Those who have defended their strike mandates and enforced the strike are now facing Contempt of Court charges and their accompanying potential $50,000 fines and potential prison time. One of our spokespeople, Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, will appear in Superior Court under such a charge for having dared say, on May 13th of this year, that "I find it legitimate" that students form picket lines to defend their strike.



            While we fight, on principle, against this judicialization of a political conflict, we have no choice but to acknowledge that the struggle on the streets has been, for many, transferred to the courtroom and we must act to defend our classmates, our friends and our family.  This defense needs your help. Many students have been denied access to Legal Aid to help them to defend themselves. This, while students filing injunctions to end strikes have been systematically granted Legal Aid. While sympathetic lawyers in all fields of law have agreed to reduced rates and alot of free support, the inherent nature of the legal system means we are spending large sums of money on this defense by the day.



            It is in this context that we appeal to you to help us cover the costs of this, our defense. Not only must we help those being unduly criminalized and facing injunctions undermining their right to associate, but we must act now and make sure that the criminalization and judicialization of a political struggle does not work and set a precedent that endangers the right to free speech and free assembly.



If you, your union, or your organization is able to give any amount of financial help, it would make an undeniable difference in our struggle.  In addition to the outpouring of support from labour across Quebec, we have already begun to receive trans-Canadian and international solidarity donations. We thank you for adding your organization's support to the list.



If you have any questions, please contact us via email legal AT asse-solidarité.qc.ca. Telephone numbers can be given to you in a private message. You can also send you donation directly to the order of "Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante" (2065 rue Parthenais, Bureau 383, Montréal, QC, H2K 3T1) noting "CLASSE Legal Committee" in the memo line.



In solidarity,



Max Silverman

Law student at the Université du Québec à  Montréal

Volunteer with the Legal Committee of the CLASSE

The State versus the People. Wake-Up Canada.

Here is a letter I received this morning regarding the events concerning the university protests and the imposition of Emergency Measures in Quebec. The recent attack on the right to organize and freedom of assembly is a clear warning sign. This must not be allowed to continue. Please take time to read this, and excuse some of the typing anomalies - that formatting was present in the original e-mail. 








Sent: Saturday, May 19, 2012 11:28 AM
Subject: CLASSE - Urgent Appeal to the Rest of Canada


From Max Silverman, student at UQAM and former mcgiller -



*PLEASE READ AND SPREAD FAR AND WIDE. BRING MOTIONS TO YOUR LOCAL UNION COUNCILS, YOUR COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS, YOUR NEIGHBOURHOOD ASSOCIATIONS. I AM IN TORONTO FOR THE NEXT FEW DAYS IF ANYONE WOULD LIKE A PRESENTATION AT THEIR MEETINGS. PERSONALIZED VERSIONS OF THIS LETTER (WITH PERSONAL CONTACT INFORMATION) CAN BE SENT TO YOUR ORGANIZATION AS WELL*



Request for solidarity and support for the Legal Committee of the CLASSE



Sisters, brothers,



            We write you during a dark time for democratic, human and associative rights in Quebec with the following appeal for your help and solidarity. As you have no doubt heard, the government recently enacted legislation that amounts to the single biggest attack on the right to organize and freedom of expression in North America since the McCarthy period and the biggest attack on civil and democratic rights since the enactment of the War Measures Act in 1970. Arguably, this recent law will unduly criminalize more law-abiding citizens than even McCarthy's hearings and the War Measures Act ever could.



            Among other draconian elements brought forward by this law, any gathering of 50 or more people must submit their plans to the police eight hours ahead of time and must agree to any changes to the gathering's trajectory, starttime, etc. Any failure to comply with this stifling of freedom of assembly and association will be met with a fine of up to $5,000 for every participant, $35,000 for someone representing a 'leadership' position, or $125,000 if a union - labour or student - is deemed to be in charge.  The participation of any university staff (either support staff or professors) in any student demonstration (even one that follows the police's trajectory and instructions) is equally punishable by these fines. Promoting the violation of any of these prohibitions is considered, legally, equivalent to having violated them and is equally punishable by these crippling fines.



            One cannot view this law in isolation. In the past few months, the Québec student movement - inspired by Occupy, the Indignados of Spain, the students of Chile, and over 50 years of student struggle in Québec; and presently at North America's forefront of fighting the government's austerity agenda - has been confronted by precedent-shattering judicial and police repression in an attempt to force the end of the strike and our right to organize collectively. Our strike was voted and is re-voted every week in local general assemblies across Québec. As of May 18th, 2012 our committee has documented and is supporting 472 criminal accusations as well as 1047 ticket and penal offenses. One week in April saw over 600 arrests in three days. And those numbers only reflect those charged with an offense, without mentioning the thousands pepper sprayed and tear gassed, clubbed and beaten, detained and released. It does not mention Francis Grenier, who lost use of most of !
an eye when a sound grenade was illegally thrown by a police officer into his face in downtown Montreal. It does not mention Maxence Valade who lost a full eye and Alexandre Allard who clung to life in a coma on a hospital bed for days, both having received a police rubber bullet to the head in Victoriaville. And the thousands of others brutalized, terrorized, harassed and assaulted on our streets.  Four students are currently being charged under provisions of the anti-terrorist laws enacted following September 11th.



            In addition to these criminal and penal cases, of particular concern for those of us involved in the labour movement is that anti-strike forces have filed injunctions systematically from campus to campus to prevent the enactment of strike mandates, duly and democratically voted in general assemblies. Those who have defended their strike mandates and enforced the strike are now facing Contempt of Court charges and their accompanying potential $50,000 fines and potential prison time. One of our spokespeople, Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, will appear in Superior Court under such a charge for having dared say, on May 13th of this year, that "I find it legitimate" that students form picket lines to defend their strike.



            While we fight, on principle, against this judicialization of a political conflict, we have no choice but to acknowledge that the struggle on the streets has been, for many, transferred to the courtroom and we must act to defend our classmates, our friends and our family.  This defense needs your help. Many students have been denied access to Legal Aid to help them to defend themselves. This, while students filing injunctions to end strikes have been systematically granted Legal Aid. While sympathetic lawyers in all fields of law have agreed to reduced rates and alot of free support, the inherent nature of the legal system means we are spending large sums of money on this defense by the day.



            It is in this context that we appeal to you to help us cover the costs of this, our defense. Not only must we help those being unduly criminalized and facing injunctions undermining their right to associate, but we must act now and make sure that the criminalization and judicialization of a political struggle does not work and set a precedent that endangers the right to free speech and free assembly.



If you, your union, or your organization is able to give any amount of financial help, it would make an undeniable difference in our struggle.  In addition to the outpouring of support from labour across Quebec, we have already begun to receive trans-Canadian and international solidarity donations. We thank you for adding your organization's support to the list.



If you have any questions, please contact us via email legal AT asse-solidarité.qc.ca. Telephone numbers can be given to you in a private message. You can also send you donation directly to the order of "Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante" (2065 rue Parthenais, Bureau 383, Montréal, QC, H2K 3T1) noting "CLASSE Legal Committee" in the memo line.



In solidarity,



Max Silverman

Law student at the Université du Québec à Montréal

Volunteer with the Legal Committee of the CLASSE

Friday, May 4, 2012

Church Fights Spurious Legislation

Church challenges refugee bill

Canada’s shameful refusal to offer asylum to Jews fleeing Nazi Germany aboard the SS St. Louis in 1939 would have been perfectly possible under the provisions of a new refugee bill the Conservative government wants to push through by June 29.
The Canadian Association of Refugee Lawyers explains that under the proposed Bill C-31, “The SS St. Louis was piloted by human smugglers intent on abusing Canadian immigration system. The passengers are part of a ‘human smuggling event’ and will be automatically detained for one year. If their refugee claims are rejected, they will be deported back to Germany with no chance to appeal the negative decision.”
That’s among several reasons the Right Reverend Dennis Drainville, Anglican Bishop of Quebec, has added his voice to the chorus of opponents calling for the proposed legislation’s withdrawal.
Bill C-31 gives arriving refugees just 15 days to prove their claims, and 15 days to appeal a refusal. It removes an expert, independent advisory body from the process for designating certain countries as “safe,” thus removing safeguards against countries being designated on the basis of political, trade and other considerations. The bill permits the minister of citizenship and immigration to seek to revoke an individual’s refugee status and deport them at any time up until they gain citizenship. A person’s permanent residence could be revoked should the circumstances in their home country change or should they return home for any reason, including to see a sick parent or to look for a lost child. This last provision will apply equally to those who were recognized as refugees in Canada and those who were processed overseas when sponsored by church groups such as the Diocese of Quebec’s Noella Project.
“The concentration of wide-reaching and vaguely defined powers in a political minister, with no mechanisms of judicial accountability, displays a dangerous inclination away from the rule of law and principles of responsible and democratic governance,” said Bishop Drainville, himself a former member of the Ontario legislature. “The diocese is deeply concerned that major portions of this law fail to comply with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and with international law.”
Over recent decades the Canadian churches have been in the forefront of efforts to ensure that Canada offers protection to refugees, through refugee sponsorship, through legal action, and through calls on the government for the fair, just and humane treatment of those who arrive here seeking asylum. The Diocese of Quebec supports an immigration system that is fair, independent of political considerations, and affordable. Bill C-31, however, is unconstitutional, undermines our humanitarian traditions, and violates our international obligations.
With Bill-31, Canada would be turning its back on its tradition of welcoming the stranger. As Christians who share this tradition, we demand that Bill C-31 be withdrawn at once.
To learn more and to add your voice opposing Bill C-31, visit the Canadian Council for Refugees.
-Originally posted at http://quebec.anglican.org/?p=1580